|Clare County Library||
|Survey of the McInerney Sept of Thomond by Luke McInerney, M.A.|
1. John Watt, The Church in Medieval Ireland, Gill & Macmillan, Dublin, 1972, p.9.
2. The English Attorney General Ireland, Sir John Davies, in his travels through Ulster at the beginning of the seventeenth century, wrote of the erenaghs as influential persons. See James F. Kenny, The Early History of Ireland: Ecclesiastical, Octagon Books, New York, 1966, pp.32-34 & p.749. Also see the Archbishop of Armagh, James Ussher’s 1609 account of ‘corbes’, ‘erenachs’ and ‘termon Lands’ in which he variously states: “The Archdeacon and the Erenach are, in Irish, the same, viz. Eireinneach or Oirchindeach….The Erenach and termon lands were free from the charges of temporal lords…The Erenachs farmed the termon lands…Out of the profits from the land they provided hospitality, maintained churches and yielded a yearly rent to the bishops. A certain portion of free land remained onto the Erenachs and was not subject to any rent…The tenants of the Erenach and termon lands were tributary, or servi ecclesiastici and the temporal lands belonging to the church were occupied by lay men, who husbanded them, both for their own benefit and for the benefit of the church” [spelling and text modernised]. James Ussher, “Of the Original and First Institution of Corbes, Erenachs, and Termon Land”, C. Vallancey (ed), Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicus, Vol.1, 1770, pp.179-207.
3. John Watt, The Church in Medieval Ireland, p.9.
4. Canice Mooney, The Church in Gaelic Ireland: Thirteenth to Fifteenth Centuries, Gill & Macmillan, Dublin, 1969, pp.12-14. Also John Barry, “The Duties of Coarbs and Erenaghs”, Irish Ecclesiastical Record, No.94, 1960, pp.211-218, p.218.
5. On the obligations of the airchinneach see Kenneth Nicholls, Gaelic and Gaelicised Ireland in the Middle Ages, Gill & MacMillan, Dublin, 1972, p.111-113 and James F. Kenney, The Early History of Ireland: Ecclesiastical, p.12, p.33, pp.747-749. On the status of the airchinneach see John Barry “The Status of Coarbs and Erenaghs”, Irish Ecclesiastical Record, No. 94, 1960, pp.147-153.
6. Urriagh (Irish uirríthe) were the sub-kings of tuatha territories who elected and inaugurated the overlord chief and were also his vassal clients whom he could extract tribute from. On a definition of urriagh see G.A Hayes-McCoy, “Gaelic Society in Ireland in the Late Sixteenth Century”, History and Society, No.4, 1963, pp.45-61, p.47.
7. On the rise of the Dál Cais and the eclipse of their Eoganachta rivals see John Ryan, (Rev) “The Dalcassians”, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, Vol.3 No.4, 1943, pp.189-202.
8. Donncha Ó Corráin, “The Structure of Society and of the Economy”, Ireland Before the Normans, Gill & Macmillan, Dublin, 1992, p.45.
9. Duald McFirbis cited in G.A Hayes-McCoy, Scots Mercenary Forces in Ireland, 1565-1603, Edmund Burke Publishing, Dublin, 1996, p.52
10. James Frost, The History and Topography of the County of Clare: From the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the 18th Century, Mercier Press, Dublin, 1973, p.206 and Charles MacNamara, The Story of an Irish Sept: Their Character & Struggle to Maintain their Lands in Clare, Dent, London, 1896, p.90. The celebrated nineteenth poet Michael Hogan in his poem Cathol Mac Caragh mentions that nine McInerney chiefs were slain at Moinmore in 1151. However this assertion is likely to be false as the McInerneys were not mentioned in the Irish annals as amongst the slain and given the mid-twelfth century origins of the McInerneys it is unlikely that they formed a distinct and numerous sept at this early time. Michael Hogan, Lays and Legends of Thomond, (reprint) Treaty Press, Limerick, 1999, p.114.
11. Domnall Mór Ó Bhriain’s kingship spanned the period 1168-1194.
12. On the relationship between the leading dynastic household of the Dál Cais – the Uí Thairdelbaig from whom the O’Briens were descended – and the Dalcassian monopoly of supplying churchmen to Killaloe see Donncha Ó Corráin, “Dál Cais: Church and Dynasty”, Ériu 24, 1973, pp.53-63.
13. Edwin Rae, “Architecture and Sculpture, 1169-1603”, in Art Cosgrove (ed) A New History of Ireland, Vol.II, Claredon Press, Oxford, 1987, pp.737-777, p.743.
14. D. Blair Gibson, “Chiefdoms, Confederacies, and Statehood in Early Ireland”, Celtic Chiefdom, Celtic State: The Evolution of Complex Social Systems in Prehistoric Europe, Bettina Arnoldt (ed), Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1995, pp.116-128, p.126.
15. The Irish word airchinneach is composed of the words air [noble] and ceann [head] and thereby signifies noble-head or ‘over-superior’. According to Rev. Patrick Woulfe, the surname Mac an Airchinnigh, denotes a ‘steward of church lands’ and arose independently throughout Ireland. The popular form of the name, Mac an Oirchinnigh and Mac an Oirchinn have sometimes been rendered as McNertney and even Kinnerk. The Roscommon Nernenys are a Mac an Airchinnigh sept who were hereditary erenaghs of St Patrick’s church at Elphin. The name McInerney should not be confused with the Limerick McEnirys whose name in Irish is Mac Innerighe and were centered at Castletown MacEniry in the barony of Upper Connelloe in Limerick. The surname McAneany, while phonetically similar to McInerney and sometimes rendered as that, is also a distinct and unrelated family found in the midlands and Ulster. Rev. Patrick Woulfe, Sloinnte Gaedheal is Gall: Irish Names and Surnames, Dublin, H. Gill & Son, 1923, pp.308-309, p.336-37, p.384.
17. According to this pedigree it states that: Cúmara — dár dearghráithir Donnchadh sinnsir Chloinne an Oirchinnigh [Cúmara — from his brother Donnchadh came the ancestry of the clann an Oirchinnigh]. Royal Irish Academy, MS 23, N.12.
18. The O’Mulqueenys’ ancient patrimony was in Uí Caisin territory where their namesake Ballymulqueeny in Templemaley parish, preserves their ancient residence. Ballymulqueeny was occupied by the family until the 1640s when their lands were confiscated under the Cromwellian settlement. James Frost, The History and Topography of the County of Clare: From the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the 18th Century, p.435.
20. Royal Irish Academy, MS 24, M.40 96i. can’t find
21. Richard Cronnelly, in his treatment of Dál Cais families in his Irish family history, confirms that the McInerneys derived their descent from: “Donogh son of Donal, great-great-grand son of Hugh Aidhar…and from the office of Airchinneach, Erenach, or archdeacon of the church of St Flannan of Killaloe, held by the said Donal Fitz [ie. son of] Donal”. It is not known, however, what source material Cronnelly used to obtain this information. Richard Cronnelly, Irish Family History: Being an Historical and Genealogical Account of the Gaedhals from the Earliest Period to the Present Time, Goodwin & Son, Dublin, 1864, p.347.
23. Aoife Nic Ghiollamhaith, “King and Vassals in Later Medieval Ireland: The Uí Bhriain and the MicComara in the Fourteenth Century”, Colony and Frontier in Medieval Ireland: Essays Presented to J.F Lydon, Terry Barry, Robin Frame & Katherine Simms (eds), Hambledon Press, London, 1995, pp.201-216, pp.202-203.
25. British Library, MS Add 39266 Folio 72 and Ibid.
27. Séamus Pender, (ed) “The O’Cleary Book of Genealogies”, Analecta Hibernica, Dublin, Stationary Office, 1951, p.153.
28. Royal Irish Academy, MS E. iv. 4, f.28r.
29. Royal Irish Academy, MS D i3, f.74v.
30. It should be noted that two pedigrees are exceptions here. The reference to Donnchadha Mac Con Mara’s father in two of the pedigrees put him as “Mailsechlainn” rather than as “Domnaill”. I would suggest, however, that this is a confusion with “Maoilseachluinn” the brother Donnchadha and also of Cú Mara Beg, the Lord of Uí Caisin. This Maoilseachluinn was the progenitor of the O’Mulqueenys. See RIA, MS 23, N. 12 for the connection to the O’Mulqueenys.
31. Royal Irish Academy, MS 23, G4, p.400-401.
32. Thomas J. Westropp, “Types of the Ring-forts and Similar Structures Remaining in Eastern Clare”, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Vol. XXVII, 1908, pp.217-234, p.218 and Thomas J. Westropp, Annals of the Kingdom of Thomond or County Clare: From the Earliest Times to the Accession of the Reigning Dynasty, Trinity College Dublin, MS 976, p.64.
35. Sometimes written as “de Interburg”.
36. Thomas J. Westropp, “Types of the Ring-forts and Similar Structures Remaining in Eastern Clare”, p.233.
37. Lorna Moloney, “Conquered Lands: The Manifestation of MacNamaras’ Clare c1250 - c1500”, University of Limerick Historical Society, Vol.5, 2004, p.105.
38. According to the Topographical Poems written by Sean Ó Dubhagain and Giolla Na Naomh Ó Huidhrin in the fourteenth century, the territory of Tradaree was occupied by the Uí Neill and their patrimony was called Clann Dealbhaoith. John O’Donovan, in the notes to the poems, suggests that the Tradaree was given to the McNamaras from the O’Briens after the defeat of De Clare and that it was the richest in all Thomond. John O’Donovan, (ed), The Topographical Poems of John O’Dubhagain and Giolla Na Naomh O’Huidhrin, Irish Archaeological & Celtic Society, Dublin, 1862, note 762.
39. See Books of Survey and Distribution, Being Abstracts of Various Surveys and Instruments of Title, 1636-1703, [County of Clare], Irish Manuscripts Commission, Stationary Office, Dublin, 1949, pp.155-160.
40. Sean Mac Ruaidhri Mac Craith, Caithreim Thoirdhealbhaigh: The Triumphs of Turlough, Standish Hayes O’Grady (ed), Irish Texts Society, Stationer’s Hall, London, 1929.
41. Ibid., p.38.
42. Ibid., p.138.
43. Ibid., pp.40-41.
44. Ibid., p.96.
45. For a full account of the ‘rental’ or Suim Tigernais Meic na Mara [Sum of the Lorship of Mac Namara] see James Hardiman, “Ancient Irish Deeds and Writings”, Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, Vol. XV, 1828, pp.45-48.
46. Aoife Nic Ghiollamhaith, “King and Vassals in Later Medieval Ireland: The Uí Bhriain and the MicComara in the Fourteenth Century”, pp.214-215 and Lorna Moloney, “Conquered Lands: The Manifestation of MacNamaras’ Clare c1250-c1500”, pp.110-113. After 1318 the McNamaras expanded out of their original patrimony of triocha cét Uí Caisin and into the lands of the Uí Bloid clanns such as the O’Aherns, O’Shanahans, O’Kennedys, O’Duracks and O’Connollys. After the defeat of these clanns in 1318 the McNamaras annexed six of the ten tuatha within east Clare. In this reshuffling of lands the O’Gradys relocated to Tuath Ó Ronghaile after the Uí Bloid defeat, for their previous territory was at Kilnasoolagh in Tradaree. The exit of the Uí Bloid from Kilnasoolagh may have left the territory open for later colonisation by McNamara allies such as the McInerneys of Uí Caisin. See John O’Donovan & Eugene Curry, The Antiquities of County Clare, CLASP Press (reprint) Ennis, 1997, p.305. On the history of the McNamara rental see Patrick Nugent, “The Dynamics of the Clan System in Fourteenth Century Clare”, pp.56-61.
47. The power of the McNamaras is gleaned by a reference to the royal paymaster that shows in October 1345 McNamara strength was put at 77 hobelars and 164 foot compared to O’Brien strength as 50 hobelars and 80 foot. These figures would not show the total strength of either clann in a general ‘rising out’ but indicates the balance between the families, at least in terms of the formal ‘on paper’ total of their men-at-arms. Aoife Nic Ghiollamhaith, “King and Vassals in Later Medieval Ireland: The Uí Bhriain and the MicComara in the Fourteenth Century”, p.212. In 1374 when the McNamaras quarrelled with the O’Briens it was recorded that “Comar Mac Conmarre, captain of his nation…raised 400 defensible men to fight O’Breen…whom at his own charge he had kept from Christmas last”. James Hardiman, “Ancient Irish Deeds and Writings”, p.20.
48. John Ryan, (Rev) “The Dalcassians”, p.202.
49. Kenneth W. Nicholls, “Land, Law and Society in Sixteenth Century Ireland”, O’Donnell Lecture Series, National University of Ireland, 1976, pp.3-26, p.13.
50. Several names that were more numerous than McInerney such as McTeige, McShane and McDaniel may not, in fact, have been proper surnames but rather patronymics. See Séamus Pender (ed) A Census of Ireland Circa 1659, Stationary Office, Dublin, 1939, p.168. The Books of Survey and Distribution, Being Abstracts of Various Surveys and Instruments of Title, 1636-1703 show that as a sept the McInerneys held more land vis-à-vis other important septs in 1641. Most of the McInerney estates consisted of profitable acreage (1,425 Irish acres) while only 44 acres accounted for unprofitable acreage. The McInerney estates totalled 1,469 Irish acres, compared to the total acreage of the O’Quinns (1,191 Irish acres), the MacClunes (199 Irish acres), the MacConsidines (840 Irish acres) and the MacCurtins (174 Irish acres). The McInerneys also held more profitable acres than other well known septs such as the O’Davorans (781 profitable Irish acres), O’Hickeys (1,170 profitable Irish acres) and O’Mulconreys (1,253 profitable Irish acres).
51. On the role of tower-houses in Gaelic society see Mary McAuliffe, “The Tower House and Warfare in Ireland in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries”, The Irish Sword, Vol.XVIII, No.73, summer 1992, pp.297-302 and Terry Barry, “The Last Frontier: Defence and Settlement in Late Medieval Ireland”, Colony and Frontier in Medieval Ireland: Essays Presented to J.F Lydon, Terry Barry, Robin Frame & Katherine Simms (eds), Hambledon Press, London, 1995, pp.217-228. Terry Barry points to the tower-house of Dangan Iviggin as an example of an early tower-house built by an Irish chieftain. Dangan Iviggin is thought to have been built by Donnchadha Mac Conmeadha in 1305-7. Ibid., p.226. It would appear that most of the tower-houses in County Clare were built during the period 1450-1550 and that by 1574 they totalled around 220, of which 70 were recorded for east Clare. R.W Twigge, “Edward White’s Description of Thomond in 1574”, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, Vol.1 No.2, 1911, pp.75-85. Also see T.J Westropp, “Notes on the Lesser Castles or ‘Peel Towers’ of the County of Clare”, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Vol.V third series, 1898-1900, pp.348-365.
52. John O’Donovan & Eugene Curry, The Antiquities of County Clare, p.261 and R.W Twigge, Materials for a History of Clan Cullen, Add MS 20717, County Clare Library Local Studies Centre, [microfilm record], p.219, & p.225.
53. R.W Twigge, Materials for a History of Clan Cullen, Add MS 39270, QQ County Clare Library Local Studies, [microfilm record], “Draft of map of Clan Chuiléin in the 15th century with Indication of Monasteries, Parish Churches, Other Church Sites, Forts and Castles”.
54. Richard Cronnelly, Irish Family History: Being an Historical and Genealogical Account of the Gaedhals from the Earliest Period to the Present Time, p.347.
55. R.W. Twigge, Materials for a History of Clan Cullen, Add MS 20717, County Clare Library Local Studies Centre, [microfilm record], p.219 & p.221.
58. Martin Breen & Ristéard Ua Cróinín, “Some Recently Located Towerhouse Sites”, The Other Clare, Vol. 2, 2000, pp.7-9.
61. In the current Ballykilty House there is a large fireplace in the old kitchen that reads: “1614 John MacNamara and Onora Clanchi bilded theis cheimneis in the year of our lord”. This indicates that a substantial residence was extant in Ballykilty at the beginning of the seventeenth century and it is possible that a residence was there before this date.
62. Books of Survey and Distribution, Being Abstracts of Various Surveys and Instruments of Title, 1636-1703, p.148. Interestingly, neither Ballykilty nor Ballysallagh were given by letters patent to the Earl of Thomond on 19 January 1622 or subsequently claimed by John McNamara Fionn of “Dangan-i-vigin” during this period. It would seem, therefore, that these lands were held as freehold by the McInerneys and not subject to property rights or interference by the McInerney’s overlords, the McNamaras or the Earl of Thomond. These lands made up the core of the McInerneys’ ancestral estate and served as the residence of the leading branch of the McInerney sept. James Frost, The History and Topography of the County of Clare: From the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the 18th Century, pp.294-297.
63. Bernadette Cunningham, “The Composition Book of Connacht in the Lordships of Clanricard and Thomond 1577-1641”, Irish Historical Studies, Vol.XXIV, No.93, May, 1984, pp.1-14, p.1.
64. Ibid. Also see A. Martin Freeman, (ed) The Compossicion Booke of Conought, Irish Manuscripts Commission, Stationary Office, Dublin, 1936.
65. Colm Lennon, Sixteenth Century Ireland: The Incomplete Conquest, Gill & Macmillan, Dublin, 1994, p.241.
66. Patrick White, (Rev) History of Clare and the Dalcassian Clans of Tipperary, Limerick, and Galway, M.H. Gill & Son, Dublin, 1893, p.202.
67. J.S Bewer & W. Bullen (eds), Calendar of the Carew Manuscripts Preserved in the Archiepiscopal Library at Lambeth, 1867-1873, MS 614, f.25.
70. G.A Hayes-McCoy, “Gaelic Society in Ireland in the Late Sixteenth Century”, p.53-54.
71. Colm Lennon, Sixteenth Century Ireland: The Incomplete Conquest, p.48.
72. Gearóid Mac Niocaill, “Seven Irish Documents in the Inchiquin Archives”, Analecta Hibernica, No.26, 1970, pp.47-69, p.49. A contemporary example of the importance of seniority in land redistribution can be seen in a 1576 deed between members of the Mac Mathghamhna family: “Toirdhealbhach son of Brian Óg by virture of the seniority of my father…had the first choice of that prosperity…and Murchadh Ruadh, as junior had the third choice”. This clearly shows that in sixteenth century Thomond seniority did count when it came to land re-distribution and was practiced by at least some of the principal Thomond families. Ibid.
73. Bart Jaski, Early Irish Kingship and Succession, Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2000, pp.196-197.
74. It is suggested that the land-partition in the sixteenth century probably did not differ much from previous centuries or that there were large differences in local custom. Therefore, the continuous and irregular branching of families from the main line and the displacement of lineages, at the expense of smaller ones, often led people of noble birth to prejudice their close kin or descendants to the detriment of distant relatives in capturing the benefits from any land re-distribution and control over the demesne lands. Ibid.
75. Thomas J. Westropp, Annals of the Kingdom of Thomond or County Clare: From the Earliest Times to the Accession of the Reigning Dynasty, Trinity College Dublin, MS 976, p.143. Westropp’s reference appears not to be verified by any contemporary accounts and therefore should be treated with caution.
79. Lorna Moloney, “A New Frightfulness? Gaelic Thomond in the Late Sixteenth-century”, The Other Clare, Vol.29, 2005, pp. 31-34, p.33.
80. Only the sept-head’s demesne was free from taxation. A fixed amount of its produce directly supported the household of the sept-head and was often located nearby a tower-house or residence of the chief of the sept. Kenneth W. Nicholls, “Land, Law and Society in Sixteenth Century Ireland”, pp.18-19 and G.A Hayes-McCoy, “Gaelic Society in Ireland in the Late Sixteenth Century”, p.53.
81. Ibid. G.A Hayes-McCoy mentions that periodic redistribution appears to have taken place within the deirbhfhine and not within the sept as a whole. This did not mean that ownership was ill-defined as in populated areas all lands were accounted for in terms of owners and each owner knew what duties and obligations he was bound to. Ibid., p.54.
82. In 1641 Caherteige was occupied by Daniel and Murtagh, the sons of Donough. Donough was probably the Donough who was mentioned in the 1606 Inquisitions Post Mortem as ‘of full age’ and having being born in 1570. Books of Survey and Distribution, Being Abstracts of Various Surveys and Instruments of Title, 1636-1703, p.171. A reference to Caherteige as a McInerney possession was made by Conchubhar Mac In Oirchinne in his early nineteenth century ‘scribal note’. He states that his own McInerney lineage hailed from Dermot “loyal chief of Clonloghan, Tullyvarraga, Caherteige, Dromgeely” and who appears to have flourished in the seventeenth century. The only reference to a Dermot McInerney amongst the seventeenth century records is in 1661 when a Dermot McInerney occupied Killian in Templemaley parish. It is not known whether this Dermot was connected to the Caherteige McInerneys. See Royal Irish Academy, MS 24 M.40 96i and James Frost, The History and Topography of the County of Clare: From the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the 18th Century, p.435. [See note for Ardcarney]
83. Genealogical Office Dublin, MS 220-222, Milesian II, p.40.
84. The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns: During the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Phillip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Éamonn de Búrca Publisher, Dublin, 1994, Vol.2., Fiant 3152 p.430. This Mahon seems to have received the same pardon a second time in the same year (possibly an error in publishing the name twice) when it records, for 1577, “Mahown McEnerren of Ballisallagh”. What these Fiants do show is that Mahon is clearly occupying the core McInerney lands that his father John held until his death in 1565. Ibid., Fiant 3040, p.406.
85. Ibid., Fiant 5401, p.96.
86. Ibid., Fiant 6617, p.549.
87. Ibid., Fiant 6615, p.546. The middle name ‘Sellenger’ is very unusual to find among Gaelic names of the period and in the case of John Sellenger McEnerie it is not clear what it referred to. According to the Rev. Patrick Woulfe there was a Norman family of the name ‘de St Ledger’ and ‘Sellinger’ who became totally gaelicised by the sixteenth century and their name in Irish was Sailigheir. See Rev. Patrick Woulfe, Sloinnte Gaedheal is Gall: Irish Names and Surnames, pp.275-276, pp.666-667.
88. Irish Patent Rolls of James I: 1603-1625, Stationary Office, Dublin, 1966, Pat. 9, Part 1, Patent no. XCI-45, p.203.
91. Martin Breen, “A 1570 List of Castles in County Clare”, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, Vol.36, 1995, pp.130-138, p.133. Also see State Papers of Ireland: Elizabeth, Vol XXX no. 68/1
92. On the gradations of Irish social classes see G.A Hayes-McCoy, “Gaelic Society in Ireland in the Late Sixteenth Century”, p.48 and Bart Jaski, Early Irish Kingship and Succession, Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2000, p.41. Jaski states that “since base clients provided a steady source of income, the number of base clients a nobleman possessed served as the primary indication of his wealth and status. In early Irish society there appeared to be two types of clients, vassal client (céile gíallnae) and the free client (sóerchéile), with the latter free to terminate their contracts and provide their service to a different lord. Often these free clients were noblemen themselves, perhaps loosing their own estates because they were displaced by larger septs but still maintained some independence in terms of providing their services to the ruling dynasty. Elements of these social gradations were still operating in the early seventeenth century. Ibid.
94. See John Ainsworth, (ed), The Inchiquin Manuscripts, Stationary Office, Dublin, 1961, No.982, p.311. Also see deed No.980 where he is recorded as of “Killanthnassullagh” [Kilnasoolagh] in 1611 and deed No.1036 where James was a witness in a land transaction in 1626. James was also involved in translating ancient Irish deeds into English in 1611 at Limerick. See James Hardiman, “Ancient Irish Deeds and Writings”, p.51.
95. John Ainsworth, (ed), The Inchiquin Manuscripts, No.1481, p.504.
96. Ibid., No.983, pp.312-313.
97. Ibid., No.955, p.300.
98. Ibid., No.980, p.308.
99. Ibid., No.1036, p.334.
100. Pentworth House Archives, Vol. 1, Sussex, 1968, MS. 3911.
101. Court of Chancery Bill Books: 1633-1640, [microfilm] Vol 1, National Archives of Ireland, p.75, pp.165-166, p.208.
106. Ibid., p.352. Underlying financial reasons may have prompted the McInerneys initially to rebel as they had borrowed £330 from James Martin and agreed to pay a yearly sum of £44 together with an interest rate of ten per cent. The McInerneys provided two ploughlands and two mills at Ballykilty as collateral for the agreement. Notwithstanding this, other pressures such as the increased influence of English and Dutch settlers on the Earl of Thomond’s estates and the threat of a plantation scheme for Clare must have contributed to their decision to side with the Clare rebels. Ibid., p.329.
107. Maurice Cuffe, “The Siege of Ballyally Castle, in the County of Clare”, Narratives Illustrative of the Contests in Ireland in 1641 and 1690, Thomas Crofton Croker (ed), Camden Society, London, 1841, p.13.
108. Maurice Cuffe, The Siege of Ballyally Castle, in the County of Clare, p.13.
109. Measured in Irish plantation measure. In total, the McInerney estate was around 2,350 Statute Acres.
111. The suffix “Down” is probably Donn in Irish meaning “brown” or “brown-haired”.
115. Ibid., No.1541 pp.545-546.
116. See Gifford Charles-Edwards, Calendar of Petitions to Ormonde in 1649 and 1650, Carte MS 155-157, Bodlein Library Oxford, p.474.
117. Robert C. Simington, The Transplantation to Connacht, Irish Manuscripts Commission, Irish University Press, 1970, p.38.
118. Richard Cronnelly, Irish Family History: Being an Historical and Genealogical Account of the Gaedhals from the Earliest Period to the Present Time, pp.347-348.
119. This was Connor O’Brien of Leamaneh who married the infamous Máire Ruadh, daughter Sir Turlogh McMahon, Lord of East Corcabaskin. Connor took a leading role in the Irish Confederate forces in Clare and was killed at the pass of Inchicronan in 1651 by Cromwellian troops. On Connor’s life see Máire Mac Neill, Máire Rua: Lady of Leamaneh, Ballinakella Press, Whitegate, 1990.
120. John T. Gilbert, A Contemporary History of Affairs in Ireland from 1641-1652, Vol.III, Dublin, 1880, p.175. This Thomas McInerheny may have been the “Thomas McIneriny” recorded in 1649 as a captain in Colonel Oliver Stephenson’s regiment. John T. Gilbert, The Manuscript of the Marquis of Ormonde, Vol.1, Fourteenth Report, Appendix, Part VII, Historical Manuscripts Commission, London, 1895, p.214. A “Captain Teige McInerheny” can be found in the same regiment and this could have been the Teige McInerheny who was recorded in the Ormond Petitions on 8 July 1650 at Doonas in County Clare as having “lost most of his men in the disaster at Rathmines and who was in garrison with new recruits…plea for [the] return of men” as “the garrison received no pay”. Gifford Charles-Edwards, Calendar of Petitions to Ormonde in 1649 and 1650, p.217.
121. William Burke (Rev), The Irish Priests in Penal Times, 1660-1760, Harvey & Co. Publications, Waterford, 1914, p.94.
122. R.W Twigge, Materials for a History of Clan Cullen, “The Names of the Principal Irish Gentry Accused of Various Crimes in the Depositions of the Protestant Settlers in Co Clare: 1642-1654”, MS 39260, County Clare Library [microfilm record], Vol. II, f.314. Also see James Frost, The History and Topography of the County of Clare: From the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the 18th Century, p.370.
123. Anthony Bruodin (OFM), Propugnaculum Catholicæ Veritatis, Libris X. Constructum, in Duásque Partes Divisum, Prague, 1669, Book 4, p.717.
124. Edward MacLysaght, Irish Families: Their Names, Arms and Origins, p.108.
126. Robert C. Simington, The Transplantation to Connacht, p.38.
129. John T. Gilbert, (ed) The Manuscript of the Marquis of Ormonde, Vol.2, Historical Manuscripts Commission, London, 1895, p.128.
130. Ibid., p.137.
131. John O’Hart, The Irish and Anglo-Irish Landed Gentry, Irish University Press, Shannon, 1969, p.336.
132. In comparison to other former landowners recorded as seeking restitution for their confiscated estates, Mahon’s claim of 150 acres was equal to that of the John McNamara of Rathfolan and John McNamara of Rathaheen who both claimed 150 acres and were formerly important landowners. It would appear that Mahon McInerney remained on or near his former estate at Ballysallagh and managed to hold onto a sizable portion of it, given that he was recorded in the 1659 census as a “tituladoe” and a “gent”. The Irish Genealogist, “The Dispossessed Landowners of Ireland, 1664: Part II, Munster and Ulster”, Vol.4, No.5, November 1972, pp.429-449, pp.445-446.
133. In the 1659 ‘census’ Mahon McInerney is described as being of “Carrowmore” and he was one of the few original Irish owners not displaced by the Cromwellian settlement within Kilnasoolagh, a point backed up by the fact that he did not appear on the transplantation lists of 1654-56. In Kilnasoolagh only Mahon McInerney and the McNamaras of Ballynacragga are listed in the 1659 ‘census’ indicating that all of the other significant Irish owners who held lands in 1641 were either not alive or had relinquished the ownership of their estates. By 1663 Mahon was still recorded as a landowner, this time at Latoon. Séamus Pender (ed) A Census of Ireland Circa 1659, p.166 and James Frost, The History and Topography of the County of Clare: From the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the 18th Century, p.416. [See note for Rathfolanbeg]
135. John Ainsworth, (ed), The Inchiquin Manuscripts, No.1080, p.353.
136. Morris Crossle, Index of Irish Wills 1484-1858, National Archives of Ireland, ref. 5/168, Will no.84
138. Michael Hogan, Lays and Legends of Thomond, pp.289-291. Other folk tales have been preserved about the family. According the compilation of Clare folk stories by the antiquarian T.J. Westropp, the peasantry told a tale that, “in the early days, Meihan Mac Enerheny, a famous warrior, made the huge fort, or rather hill town, of Moghan as a‘fighting-ring’ for himself. He would never allow his tribe to go to war until he had himself challenged and defeated all the enemy’s chiefs. He reigned in great esteem from the Fergus to the Owennagarna river. In his fighting-ring he always gave his opponents the choice of the sun and wind, in spite of which he overthrew them all. There was no king, nor soldier, nor monster that he feared to fight. His admiring tribe gave him a gold-embroidered cap, and the name of ‘Oircheannach’ (golden head), and he died unconquered.” It would seem that this tale gave rise to the erroneous translation of oircheannach meaning ‘golden head’. The combined word airchinneach (air [noble] + ceann [head]) is clearly the old Irish term for erenagh. See T.J. Westropp, A Folklore Study of County Clare and County Clare Folk-tales and Myths, CLASP Press, Ennis, 2003, p.119. On a similar tale involving a suit of golden amour see Michael Hogan, Lays and Legends of Thomond, p.290.
139. The Irish Genealogist, “Irish Officers in the Spanish Service” ,Vol.6, No.3, 1982.
140. T.P Power & Kevin Whelan (eds), Endurance and Emergence: Catholics in Ireland in the Eighteenth Century, Irish Academic Press, Dublin, p.68.
141. The Earl of Thomond’s Manor Courts (1666-1686) list numerous McInerneys over the period. For example, the Manor at Finavarra in the Burren records “Coonara McInerny of Kocknire, gent” for the year 1678 and the Manor of Bunratty records “Loghlein McIneriny and Daniel McIneriny” in 1674. McInerneys are variously recorded in different Manor Courts, such as Roger, Matthew and Morogh, Daniel and Donat McInerhney in 1683 at the Manor of Ballvanavane (Upper Bunratty). S.C. O’Mahony, “The Manor Courts of the Earl of Thomond: 1666-1686”, Analecta Hibernica, No.38, Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 2004, pp.135-220.
142. In the Earl of Thomond’s Rent Roll of 1656 Teige Mc Inerhiny is recorded as holding the two plowlands of “Fentrartbegg and “Fentratmore” in Kilfarboy parish in the barony of Ibrickan with several other tenants who are recorded there in 1659. It would seem that the “Mortagh” and “John Clanchy” who jointly held these lands with Teige McInerney were transplanted from Urlan Castle in Kilmaleery parish. Teige was probably transplanted from nearby at Lisconor. Murtagh Clancy was recorded in 1642 at the siege of Ballyally Castle as being of “Castlekeale” [ie Ballysallagh west] and he was recorded, along with the McInerneys, in a land transaction with James Martin of Castlekeale in 1641. In the Earl of Thomond’s 1685 rent roll a “Thomas McInereny” is recorded for the parish of Kilfarboy in the barony of Ibrickan. It is likely that Thomas was the son of Teige McInerney transplanted there in the 1650s. In the rent roll of the Earl of Inchiquin for 1699 Loughlin McInerney is mentioned as occupying “Ballycarull” in Templemaley parish (Bunratty Upper) and in Killkea in Ruan parish, (Inchiquin barony). Ainsworth, (ed), The Inchiquin Manuscripts, No.1538, p.535, No.1539, p.543, No. 1541, p.545.
143. Brian Ó Dalaigh, (ed), The Corporation Book of Ennis, IAP, Dublin, 1990, pp.84, p.185, p.209, p.351, p.374.
144. John Ainsworth, (ed), The Inchiquin Manuscripts, No.1845, p.625.
145. Ibid, No.1493, p.514. Fr Morish McInerheny was subsequently listed in the 1704 register of Catholic Priests of Sixmilebridge and that he received his orders at Garryrickan, Co. Kilkenny, in 1675. His sureties were Col. John McNamara of Crevagh and Florence McNamara of Moghane. In 1704 Fr Morgan McInerhiny was registered for the parishes of Quin and Cluony and was still listed there in 1715 and in that year officiated over the parishes of Kilfinaghten and Kilmurry in place of Fr Maurice [Morish] McInerhiny who was deceased by that date. The registers note that Fr Morgan McInerhiny had not taken the Oath of Abjuration by 1715. Ignatius Murphy, The Diocese of Killaloe in the Eighteenth Century, Four Courts Press, Dublin, 1991, pp.275, p.272, p.297, p.298.
146. John Ainsworth, (ed), The Inchiquin Manuscripts, No.1741, p.599.
147. Ignatius Murphy, The Diocese of Killaloe in the Eighteenth Century, p.165.
148. John Ainsworth, (ed), The Inchiquin Manuscripts, No.1511, p.525.
149. See Arthur Vickers (Sir), Index to the Prerogative Wills of Ireland, 1911, p.305 and The Irish Genealogist, Vol.5, No.6, 1979, pp.750-751.
150. In the churchyard of Castletown, Co. Tipperary, there is a grave that reads: “Erected by Thady McInerney in memory of his father Patrick McInerney who departed this life 1820 aged 62 years”. It seems likely that the Castletownarra McInerneys share a common ancestor who migrated there from Clare sometime in the eighteenth century. Given that the Westropp family held estates in Clare and were landlords in Castletownarra, it is possible that the McInerneys were moved into Tipperary by Westropps at some unknown date.
155. Richard Cronnelly, Irish Family History: Being an Historical and Genealogical Account of the Gaedhals from the Earliest Period to the Present Time, pp.347-348.
156. Griffith's Valuation 1855: Killone Parish. The parish of Killone was home to numerous McInerneys in the eighteenth and early nineteenth century including Joan McInerney who was buried at Killone church in 1753 and Francis McInerney buried at the same church in 1786. Matthew McInerheny of Tiremeclane, Newhall, left a will in 1787. In the 1820s, Darby McInerheney along with John, Michael and Thomas occupied lands in the parish. See Joseph Power, A History of Clare Abbey and Killone, 1986, p.40; W.P.W. Phillimore, Irish Wills: Killaloe and Kilfenora Wills, Vol.3 London, 1913 and County Clare Tithe Applotment Books: Parish of Killeany
157. Ignatius Murphy, The Diocese of Killaloe: 1800-1850, Four Courts Press, Dublin, 1992, p.95 Other McInerney priests who were registered in 1819 were: James McInerney, P.P. Clareabbey, Patritius McInerheny, P.P. Killard and Kilfeira and Thomas McInerheny (brother to Patritius) Curate at Killard and Kilfeira. There also appeared to have been a Michael McInerney who was the Catholic Curate at Broadford in the 1840s. Ibid., pp.398-39, p.428.
158. Ignatius Murphy, The Diocese of Killaloe in the Eighteenth Century, p.240.
159. The Irish Genealogist, Vol.5, Vol.6, 1979, p.716.
160. Isaac Slater, Slater’s National Commercial Directory of Ireland, 1846, Manchester, 1846, p.169.
161. The National Archives of the United Kingdom, Ref.11/1876, p.356.
162. Royal Irish Academy, MS 23, N.12. Also see Seán Ó hÓgáin, Conntae an Cláir: A Triocha Agus A Tuatha, Oifig an tSolátair, Baile Átha Cliath, 1938, p.132 and Royal Irish Academy, MS 23. H.22 p.11 (nineteenth century copy). Please note that the dates have been inserted by the author of this article.
163. British Library, MS Add 39266 Folio 72, Royal Irish Academy, MS E. iv. 4, f.28r and Royal Irish Academy, MS 23, G4, p.400-401. Please note that the dates have been inserted by the author of this article.